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Lindsay Symmonds: Silencing Female Power
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Silencing Female Power:
The Male Anxiety Revealed

by

Lindsay Nicole Symmonds

 

Between the years of 1478 and 1808, many women became the victims of a mass hysteria which is now termed The Inquisition. According to author Anne Barstowe, women who had previously been able to practice herbal lore of any type (midwives, folk healers, etc.) were hunted down and labeled as witches, for their use of these practices was considered to be overly assertive within a patriarchal society. There was a general consensus that women (regardless of their reputations) were oversexed and seething with carnal lust. Female association with spoken/practiced knowledge or sexuality represents one of the major driving forces of The Inquisition. Women who appeared to utilize or possess masculine tools of oppression were dangerous and therefore needed to be physically and mentally purged of this power. In the witch hunts, this demonizing of the female mind and body resulted in hideous incidents of torture and numerous deaths. The male anxiety responsible for the brutality of the witch hunts is also present within much of the literature of the time. Although few of the women in the literature were openly accused of being witches, their independence was enough to spark a male response not unlike the torture which ultimately represented The Inquisition. Two texts that fall within this time period and particularly reveal male anxiety over female power are Shakespeare's Taming of the Shrew, and Webster's The Duchess of Malfi; the action in both of these texts not only reveals this anxiety, but it also involves a type of mental and physical purging similar to that forced upon those accused of witchcraft.
Before the Inquisition, many women held important jobs within their societies. Within Witchcraze, Barstowe clarifies that a large number of women were not doctors, but were healers who played any number of the following roles: gynecologist, apothecary, physician, barber and surgeon. However, many of the healers also played very spiritual roles in their work (diviner, necromancer, curser and countermagician), therefore creating the possibility for others to view them as women who appeared to be using magic (Barstowe 111). The label of magic-worker was one which was placed on many healers and began to generate problems. Although magic could be used for good, the patriarchy asserted that it would most likely only be used for evil. The nature of their so-called "magical" powers ultimately led the healers to be more feared than respected: "she who can cure can kill" (Barstowe 116). At this stage, priests and trained doctors began recognizing that they were in direct competition with the female healers for business. The need to end this competition, along with the fear of magic, led to the exclusion of females from the realm of practiced knowledge. Suddenly, those who once were healers became witches capable only of evil. Likewise, women who were vocal within their community were labeled as shrews and would be prime targets for the witch hunts that would later begin. The universal message that women should be silent and gentile was now being sent out loud and clear. Male anxiety began to develop, focusing on women who attempted to utilize what were considered to be masculine tools. In other words, the fear was that women were no longer in their respective places within the patriarchy, and the quickest way for men to overturn this was to stop the healers and find a way to silence female knowledge completely (both practiced or spoken).
The witch hunts officially began in 1478. They targeted mainly females, which led the term "witch hunt" to become synonymous with the term "woman hunt". The patriarchy shifted its focus from the smaller population of healers onto the larger female population in general as a result of the rising fear of female power. The general belief that women were oversexed and bestial (regardless of their true sexual behavior) gained currency; therefore, females were regarded as unchaste beings who were dangerous to men. For centuries, women were considered to be grounded in the physical; their ability to menstruate and give birth were two things men could not control. In addition to the disgust these natural cycles evoked in men, there was also a fear of their power. A growing connection was being made between female sexuality and evil. Somehow women were at fault for every negative event that occurred, especially if it involved a man's sexual capabilities. Adding to the fear of female power within the spoken or practiced realm, the female body was increasingly considered to be the embodiment and source of sin, as epitomized by Eve:

Through Eve's open mouth, then, sin and disorder entered the world. Through her verbal and sexual seduction of Adam - through her use of that other female bodily threshold - sin then became the inescapable curse of humankind (Boose 204).

Therefore, this demonization of the female mind and body was a result of the view that women were the weaker sex, a weakness that made them more susceptible to being corrupted by the devil. Women even associated with evil to the degree that some believed their nature actually promoted it: "All witchcraft comes from carnal lust, which is in women insatiable" (Kramer and Sprenger 46).
This throrough demonization of the female mind and body served several purposes within the patriarchal societies of the time. For example, natural disasters were often attributed to witchcraft. Since women had always been associated with nature, their increasing link with evil could now explain events in nature which were previously unaccounted for, such as hailstorms or tempests: "When a community faced a crisis, as after a hailstorm or during a plague, it's leaders created a scapegoat(s) to be sacrificed" (Barstowe 153). Because many women had previously worked as midwives, infant mortality and/or deformity was now sometimes blamed on them as well. Likewise, because female sexuality was often feared, it was a common belief that women were the cause of malfunctions in male sexuality, such as impotence:

And what then is to be thought of those witches who in this way sometimes collect male organs in great numbers, as many as twenty or thirty members together, and put them in a bird's nest, or shut them up in a box where they move themselves like living members, and eat oats and corn, as has been seen by many as is a matter of common report (Kramer and Sprenger 121).

In addition to finding a "logical" explanation for these events, those persecuting "witches" also had the ability to silence female power in order to stop its encroachment upon the patriarchy.

The Inquisition is often remembered most vividly through graphic descriptions of the mental and physical torture. Torture was a common legal practice during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries; however, the types of torture utilized within the witch hunts varied greatly from those traditionally applied to criminal cases. Although some of the devices used during the Inquisition were designed for either sex, there were several that were particularly damaging to the female sexual organs. For example, thumbscrews were a torture device that were invented and used for eliciting confessions from both men and women (see fig. 3). The pear, however, was a torture device which was often used on females in an attempt to destroy the core of feminine power. . . the vagina (see figs. 1 and 2). Damaging the breasts with pincers or cutting them off altogether also manifested a desire to physically mutilate and/or destroy female sex organs. As mentioned in Witchcraze by Anne Barstowe, the tragic story of Anna Pappenheimer involves near-pornographic moments of physical and sexual humiliation. Her breasts were cut off and forced into her children's mouths not only to punish her, but also to threaten onlooking women simultaneously. Cutting off the breasts was painful, but was also a way to destroy the female capability to breast-feed. Similarly, the physical torment of water torture functioned to mock maternal power. This method involved force feeding women large amounts of liquids until their stomachs became hideously distended. The questioning would continue, and if the desired response was not offered by the accused, her stomach would be beaten. This form of torture was not only physically harming to the individual in question, but it was also a way to mock female power by creating a morbid parody of pregnancy.
During torture, the female genitals were often searched for the "devil's mark" or "witch's teat". These were considered to be the marks leftover from the suckling of demons or imps. Men traditionally performed the searches and often found numerous "marks" on women as a result of their own ignorance about the female body:

When Margaret Jones, a Boston midwife, healer and cunning woman, was accused in 1648 of having "an apparent teat in her secret parts," her friend explained that it was a tear left over from a difficult childbirth. No doubt this cause, or a swollen clitoris, explained these cases. But Matthew Hopkins, the fanatical witch hunter of Essex, England, would not take child-bearing or hemorrhoids as an excuse. . . ( Barstowe 129).

Irrational tests of guilt were applied to already frightened women, which forced them to endure physical torture and in many cases, an even more excruciating death. Because legal torture allowed for men to make sexual advances and perform sexual experimentation on women, the results of it extended beyond the question of whether or not one was a witch:

These men took advantage of positions of authority to indulge in pornography sessions, thus revealing that they wanted more from witch hunting than the conviction of witches: namely, unchallengeable sexual power over women (Barstowe 132).

Therefore, during the Inquisition, the various forms of torture applied to women were often used to silence the female power of sexuality that was threatened patriarchal control.

 

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